Demonization Ends[1]
The Syrian Social National movement emerged during the time of foreign colonial rule, which was authorized by the now obsolete League of Nations under the term "mandate." This movement faced three forms of oppression: (1) the tyranny of the occupying colonial power, (2) the tyranny of local governments that originated from the same colonial regime, and (3) the tyranny of opposing reactionary forces that cooperated with the colonial occupiers and their governments to hinder our movement's progress.
The central question is, "How was this influential liberation movement able to surmount the immense and powerful obstacles that jointly and collaboratively opposed its growth and advancement?" Put differently, "How did this movement succeed in expanding, gaining strength, altering Syria's prevailing atmosphere of submission and humiliation, and undertaking the challenging mission of national social renewal despite scarce resources, lack of media or publications, imprisonment, repression, slander, and calumnies?" The explanation lies in the accomplishments of spiritually elevated individuals who consistently focused on their noble and genuine cause.
At that time, foreign powers and neo-reactionaries devised numerous plans to further divide our nation into multiple factions: from a Maronite Phalange to a Sunni Najjadah to an Orthodox Ghassanite to Shiite pioneers to Druze reformist youth and countless other sectarian groups founded on religious partisanship. These organizations then attempted to conceal themselves behind seemingly national objectives.
Every Christian and Muslim political figure was entrenched in religious partisanship culture and displayed open animosity towards the Social National movement. The movement eradicated religious partisanship at its core, removed its psychological foundations among the youth, and dismantled the sectarian pillars supporting the influence of these reactionary politicians. These politicians' resistance against the Social National resurgence—keeping their rigid religious and feudal perspectives—was among the strongest oppositions faced by any movement.
In Lebanon, sectarian isolationist politicians fought against the Social National Party employing a potent instrument known as "The Ghoul"! The Social National Party symbolizes the ghoul of Syrian nationalism, the ghoul of inherent Syria, the ghoul of national unity, and, naturally, the ghoul of religious massacres! Consider religious fanaticism: we are incapable of coexisting with the "barbarians" outside Lebanon!
Thus, the ghoul serves as a clandestine weapon circulating within the "pure" Lebanese circles. It represents the buzzword and hidden code for sectarian nationalism in Lebanon. Regardless of where you venture or which path you choose, you cannot navigate through the contemporary Lebanese mindset—formed over twenty-five years ago under an oppressive colonial influence—without invoking that mystical term!
In natural Syria, the ghoul is similar to its Lebanese counterpart, but with different reasons behind it. The Syrian Social National Party represents the ghoul of Syrian nationalism, natural Syria, and the language and religion. It embodies the homeland, the Quran, religious unity, and Islam as a whole. We can only exist within our religious context and with the unity of believers who speak Arabic. Pan-Arabism connects us through religion and language. Don't heed anyone outside your religious group or follow anyone other than your leaders. Nationalism that doesn't rely on religion goes against it.
The Ghoul serves as another hidden weapon against us, circulating within Syrian "pan-Arab" circles. It acts as a secret passphrase for pan-Arab sectarian nationalism, which is needed to traverse the contemporary pan-Arab mindset that has developed over centuries of religious culture and national stagnation.
Politicians who build their influence on religious bases primarily focus on solidifying that foundation. However, Social National renaissance teachings forced sectarian reactionaries to develop multiple forms of religious or sectarian nationalism in defense of religious loyalty in the struggle between national consciousness, Social National renaissance, and religious extremism with an inflexible religious community system.
It's acceptable for a Lebanese politician well-versed in religious nationalism to interact with external "barbarian" politicians because they know how to avoid contact with the fearsome ghoul. They can also discuss Syrian and Arab unity without harming sectarian interests. Additionally, a Lebanese politician might travel to Amman to meet King Abdullah or visit Regent Abd al-Ilah in Baghdad or the Coup Premier in Damascus since their politics still resonate with ancient religious political loyalties.
Despite this behavior demonstrating a potential understanding between "cultured" individuals and "barbarians," the Syrians don't actually consume each other like cannibals. Religious loyalty is gradually eroding under the influence of Social National renaissance. People from various sects are recognizing that political deception from religious groups or neo-reactionaries doesn't address social and economic issues.
The growth of public awareness has required sectarian groups to promote social-national reform within their circles and advocate for the end of sectarianism. As a result, the attitudes of sectarian politicians are changing, causing less concern except within isolated sectarian pockets. Gradually, the power of this "magic word" is weakening.
The Social National movement acts as a strong protective force for Lebanon and its people. The Syrian identity is only perceived as a ghoul by those who are ignorant or deceitful. This demonizing strategy is losing potency as the old era of fear and delusion comes to an end, resulting in a new age of social national confidence: an era marked by social revival that eliminates fear and provides the people with dignity and prosperity.