Paving the Road for Syria's Revival [1]

 

 

Syria has finally reclaimed its true identity through the national awakening led by the Syrian National Party. As a result, the country has established its rights and the means to achieve them. After losing absolute sovereignty with the collapse of the Syrian Seleucid Empire, Syria's relative sovereignty was further diminished when the Abbasids conquered the Umayyads, erasing Syria's status as the center of the Muslim Empire. This led to numerous centuries of foreign rule, during which Syria's population lost their sense of nationalism and national sovereignty.

The split in religious beliefs only served to further divide Syria's social and political unity. Consequently, aspirations for significant political strength vanished. Social cooperation, essential for maintaining social structure and identity, was replaced by religious conflicts and internal disputes. The long-lasting subjugation created a status quo that subsequent generations saw as natural and inevitable, leading them to adapt accordingly. While ruling classes ingratiated themselves with foreign overlords and betrayed the working class, the masses resigned to their fate.

During the period of dual oppression, where farmers were subjugated by feudal lords and the entire nation was under foreign tyranny, national consciousness fell into a deep slumber. The national identity fragmented into conflicting religious affiliations and non-national institutions. Simultaneously, antiquated social institutions lumbered on without any impetus for progress, leading to the potential stagnation of Syrian mentality. The Syrian nation remained unaware of the dangers posed by intense international competition for dominance.

Under this dual burden, Syrian culture ground to a halt, with no progress in material or spiritual aspects. Agriculture stagnated, industry failed to flourish, and neither science nor art advanced. Life persisted within the confines of religious sects, feudalism, and tribal law. Syrians' worlds were limited to their religious communities, tribes, and feudal lords. Social life was rooted in either religious sectarianism or tribal organization, while economic life relied on a handful of professions and unsupported local trade.

This rudimentary social organization inevitably caused life to stagnate at a primitive stage. The lack of revitalization in social institutions resulted in a monotonous routine and solidification of societal norms. It is undeniable that the institutions governing Syrian social life are outdated and ill-suited for the nation's needs unless it wishes to remain stagnant and unwilling to progress beyond its historical boundaries.

In reality, while other nations advanced towards improved living conditions and cultural development, the Syrian nation languished. This led to the disintegration of spiritual ideals and an overwhelming focus on meeting basic material needs.

On the eve of the Ottoman Empire's disintegration, great powers turned their attention toward Syria. They established cultural connections through educational and religious missions, aiming to expand their influence in the country. Amidst strong competition, each nation promoted its land, people, and culture to the Syrians and sought to gain their favor.

All missions shared the goal of teaching Syrians humane principles, promoting peace, and contrasting Syrian weaknesses to the greatness of their own nations. This imperialistic education created a generation that lacked high nationalistic ideals and faith in Syria's potential for growth. They viewed Syrian incapacity for national sovereignty as a divine and natural order, believing that no change was possible.

Geographical location, international covetousness, and ethnic-religious diversity were cited as reasons for this stagnation. Consequently, Syrians remained divided into isolated factions driven by basic economic motives. Their creative energies were wasted on individual pursuits, family welfare, and clannish or religious politics rather than striving for unity and independence.

 

The Reactionary Revival

Shortly after the Ottoman Empire's disintegration and Syria's introduction to modern Western nations, dissatisfaction with the status quo became apparent. The resulting psychological and economic tension sought an outlet. A generation rooted in family and religious institutions emerged, advocating for a return to a theocratic state. To this day, religious entities yearn for a state reminiscent of Harun al-Rashid and al-Ma'mun, where governance depended on the Commander of the Faithful and his intuition-driven desires.

Despite the fact that the Abbasid period marked the beginning of Syrian cultural deterioration, this politico-religious administration became a highly respected model for recent revivals labeled as "patriotic." These movements were led by feudal lords, their educated offspring, and a group of self-serving "civilized" individuals.

This "awakening" demonstrated its inability to understand national economic and political foundations by denying Syrian nationalism. It confused nationalism with religious prejudice and equated national concepts with cultural or language-based regional organizations. This same revival supported beliefs that hindered Syrian well-being, claiming that Syria was poor, weak, susceptible to imperialistic greed due to its geographic location between East and West. Some groups argued that salvation would only come when Syria relinquished her identity within an "Arab Empire," while others believed problems would only be resolved under a large state that guaranteed minority rights and divided the land religiously.

A variety of political enterprises were established in response to this "revival." Under the mandate's rule, they adopted arbitrary maneuvering policies which sacrificed Syrian interests without bettering social or economic infrastructure. They operated under different names—blocs, societies, parties, leagues, congresses—and often used patriotic labels to appease the masses. Nevertheless, these corporations served only their own interests through private capital; their "revival" only benefitted themselves without contributing to public education or organization.

One of the key features of this reactionary revival was its reliance on lingering religious prejudice in the hearts of the people. Consequently, the part of Syria under French mandate was divided into mini-states based on majority religion, while the British-mandated region saw two mini-states exploited by limited companies.

This reactionary social revival manifested itself through social and political conflict, selfishness, and unbridled individualism. Such individualism gained strength from provoking mobs and manipulating their anger. To reach their objectives, they relied on hiring newspapers and reporters, as well as making speeches in mosques and churches.

 

Capitalism and Communism

Amid the chaos and uncertainty caused by this reactionary revival, two influential forces emerged: capitalism and communism. Capitalism took root first, showing strong attachment to the status quo and an extreme fear of upsetting it. Syrian capitalists did little for significant causes or issues; instead, they adapted to circumstances and took advantage of them. Foreign capital found opportunity in this chaos, seizing national resources and deepening the nation's dependence. Furthermore, foreign capital colluded with local capital to form an alliance that practically combined concessions with mismanagement and uninformed individualism, ultimately selling national interests to the highest bidder.

National industry and products were promoted to garner support from the people; however, patriotism was merely a tool used by "national" capitalism to exploit people's sentiments for their own benefit.

Then, communism arrived alongside foreign communities, intensifying the existing issues. It brought a superficial perspective on social problems and promoted a global class struggle that disregarded national boundaries and loyalties. Communism merely paved the way for Moscow-directed political intervention in Syria. In fact, communist doctrines manifested solely through leaflets inciting workers to revolt against German Fascism, as the conflict between Russian and German interests took center stage.

Similar to how local capitalism was a product of international capitalism, local communism was also a byproduct of international communism. The ultimate goal of communism could likely involve transferring power from feudal lords to a communist clique. Despite their opposition, both communism and capitalism share a common ground: denial of nationalism. However, capitalists prioritize capitalistic interests while communists focus on class interests.

Our intention is not to dissect communist ideology or its hazards, nor to highlight capitalism's dangers to national morale and the state's political and economic interests. Instead, we emphasize their adverse impacts on Syrian national life and their obstruction of awakening national consciousness and organizing Syrian society. Such organization aims to provide Syria with harmony and vitality crucial for national progress and improving living standards.

 

The Patriotic Revival

The reactionary "patriotic" revival was based on these principles:

 

1. There is no nation in Syria.

2. Syria is a small country, incapable of standing against an enemy or living independently.

3. The current internal social and economic order is inviolable.

4. Religion is the foundation of the State.

5. The right of religious leaders to interfere in the political, administrative, and judiciary affairs of the State is recognized.

6. National desires must comply with the dictates of foreign will.

7. The issue of living standards is irrelevant.

8. The interests of the individual are paramount.

 

This so-called revival succeeded in establishing one institution: the Political Company Limited, which cooperated with foreign capital and established a small state in Damascus (under a Muslim president) and a small state in Lebanon, influenced by both the Maronite Patriarchate and Muslim institutions. The Mufti of Palestine became the ultimate authority in the region's political life.

However, a new nationalist movement emerged, discrediting reactionary teachings and promoting Syrian identity and consciousness as a crucial step toward national revitalization and overcoming myths that deny Syrian nationhood. The Syrian Nationalist Party emerged in 1932, attracting thousands of young men and women throughout Syria who embraced its core principles.

This nationalist awakening changed dormant values within the diverse Syrian people, providing limitless potential against false foreign propaganda and altering historical perceptions which dismissed Syria as a powerless part of Europe's conquered inheritance.

The Syrian Nationalist Revival proposes a new principle: if history has changed once before, it can change again. Just as historical events led to Syria losing great empires or leadership roles, new factors can elevate Syria to dynamic heights as a respected political force. These factors manifest in the Syrian Nationalist Revival itself.

The Syrian Nationalist Revival has awakened the nation, unleashing its potential to rise and progress towards a higher ideal. The Syrian Nationalist Party has laid the groundwork for a true reawakening by establishing principles that foster national unity on a solid foundation and a creative will that overcomes the deception of opposing forces - those seeking to maintain the status quo and enforce an unjust peace.

The Nationalist Revival understands that lasting peace may sometimes require certain nations to concede their rights. However, it emphasizes that Syria will never be one of those nations. The Revival rejects any notion of sacrificing national interests to historical dictates.

By championing Syrian nationalism over religious and tribal loyalties, the Revival has freed Syria from potential chaos. It promotes collaboration over competition, prioritizes national interests above individual or class interests, and stands firm on three foundational principles:

 

1. Syria belongs to the Syrians, comprising a complete nation (The First Principle).

2. The Syrian nation forms a unified society (The Sixth Principle).

3. Syria's interests supersede all other concerns (The Eighth Principle).

 

These principles imbue the Nationalist Revival with moral force, reinvigorating and unifying the Syrian nation. The First Principle negates claims based on historical events while the Sixth Principle elevates societal unity over sectarian divisions. The Eighth Principle affirms that when faced with existential choices, now is not the time to preach universal humanity, peace, brotherhood, or class struggle promoted by a cosmopolitan ideology.

 

The Nationalist Revival and the Present Difficulties

Reactionary forces have always pointed to obstacles in achieving national independence to hinder national progress, fearing that it would lead to their demise. They direct certain questions toward the Nationalist Revival, assuming that all revivals, even genuine ones, lack creativity and nationalist faith. One significant question they ask is whether Syria, with its small size, limited population, and poverty, can become independent and defend its sovereignty.

Obviously, these reactionary forces failed to answer this question confidently due to their ignorance of the Syrian nation's true resources and potential strength, as well as the laws of political power and the international political-economic order. The Nationalist Revival has found a positive answer to this question and others like it. Syria is rich in resources such as those from the Dead Sea; its agricultural potential can be greatly multiplied. Consequently, Syria's poverty stems from mismanagement rather than an inherent lack of resources.

Regarding the population, Syria could increase its numbers to at least twelve million within a few decades if governed by a competent Syrian Nationalist administration. Additionally, Syria's political force could be significantly expanded through active cooperation with the global political-economic order. However, the Nationalist Revival isn't solely focused on practical possibilities; it also emphasizes the spiritual power it has unleashed in the Syrian nation. This new mindset allows Syrians to rise above economic concerns and perceive political necessities essential for asserting their sovereignty and establishing a national state.

The Syrian Nationalist Party has empowered Syria to evolve from a struggling community into a society capable of defining its interests against foreign agendas and engaging in global competition for success and leadership. The path toward political and economic strength has been laid out, transforming Syria's geographical position from a source of weakness to one of strength. Its strategic location holds international significance, which will contribute to the Syrian nationalist revival.

The road has been paved; the nation is moving toward its ideal and shall achieve it.