The Practical Union of Nations

Antun Saadeh, Source: Profile News

The Practical Union of Nations[1]

 

 

My Esteemed Fellow Citizens!

Ladies and Gentlemen,

It brings me great joy that I didn't need to jump through bureaucratic hoops to secure a visa to speak to my Palestinian people at this event: the launch of the Palestinian Club. I believe everyone here would concur when I say that what used to be a united nation and homeland remains, and will always remain, a single homeland for one nation. Syria will persist as our Syria, your Syria, and my Syria eternally.

Nonetheless, this delightful reality is merely theoretical. This truth is practically an illusion when assessed by actions. Indeed, I worry that our Syria is gradually slipping from our divided grasp. In the South [Palestine], the Syrian borders are retreating against the Jewish progress. In the north, the Syrian borders are receding before Turkish expansion. The genuine Syria is transforming into superficial optimism, only fitting for those who have gained nothing from the renaissance except occasional outbursts driven by unrefined goals and unrealistic dreams, enchanted solely by its fleeting shimmer.

Today, we find ourselves between two truths. The first is psychologically conjectural, allowing us to revel in it. The second is pragmatic and concrete, leaving us no choice but to grieve over it. Contrary to myself, many others might prefer causing harm instead of engaging in reasonable dialogue because it's simpler for them. They opt to express numerous poems reflecting their subjective thoughts and daydreams; however, their poetry serves no purpose in a society that refuses to separate intellectual substance from reality. I desire membership in such a society and willingly accept its determinations.

 

My Esteemed Fellow Citizens!

Nations are appraised not by their dreams and fantasies but by their realities and achievements. Our discourse, if it fails to encompass truth, amounts to nothing more than empty chatter. We Syrians have had our fill of rhetoric. We've excessively dreamt, excessively fantasized, excessively praised fanciful glory, and excessively extolled the magnificence of illusions. The world can hear our unsettling banter but cannot see our illusory disputes. When will we understand that nations' histories originate from their deeds and no nation can take pride in anything other than its unique history?

So, the question becomes, "What actions have we taken concerning our collective history?" I refer to our shared history: yours and mine. Unless we embrace our history, we'll never succeed in etching our place in historical records or securing a prominent standing among global nations.

I address you in this manner because I recognize that I am speaking to individuals who refuse to trust anything except the principle of independent history. Indeed, independent history forms the foundation for all sovereign nations. Consequently, if we yearn for independence in managing our affairs as we see fit, it's our duty to establish our own independent history. Furthermore, if we seek to secure a distinguished position among world nations, we must rise to meet the challenge and work towards achieving this target. This is how history commences.

Those who've studied the Roman Empire's history (and others too) might recall this renowned saying: "Happy is the nation that has no history." However, this statement couldn't be further from the truth. No nation lacking a history has ever attained a respected status or acknowledged rights from other countries. Avoid fooling yourself into believing that a nation relying on someone else's history can gain rights stemming from that past. A nation retains no entitlements other than those resulting from its hard work.

The Egyptian author Qasim Amin related a tale fitting perfectly with the aforementioned perspective. One day, Qasim Amin and his companions strolled through an orchard or farmland where two workers toiled away. Suddenly, a snake emerged from a nearby wall, slithering towards the laborers. One worker, upon seeing it, dropped his shovel and fled in fear. The other, however, faced the snake and began striking it with his shovel until it perished. The first worker maintained a safe distance, watching the confrontation unfold before cautiously approaching the defeated snake. Once certain that it was dead, he picked up a stick, lifted the snake, and started shouting triumphantly: "Hey, Hey, we killed it! We killed it!"

 

Imagine the expressions on the faces of those who observed this worker trying to claim credit for the victory over the snake. He attempted to convince everyone that he was just as deserving of praise as his friend who actually fought off the creature. While the first worker's reaction invokes mockery and scorn, the second worker demonstrates dignity and self-respect. This brave laborer didn't rely on anyone else or question his own abilities; he simply took action decisively and confidently.

 

Our current circumstances are far more urgent than those of the courageous worker confronting the snake. We now face an enemy akin to a one-hundred-headed serpent with dangers threatening our existence and prosperity from all directions. In this critical moment, we must decide our path in which there are only two options: be passive and avoid responsibility altogether or embrace it wholeheartedly. The latter group is willing to face any challenge and shoulder responsibilities independently without seeking shared accountability with others - as this would only compromise freedom and autonomy.

Some may argue that seeking assistance is crucial in times of great danger or make empty threats against a menacing foe - or worse yet, flee from the challenges entirely because they believe victory is unattainable. This attitude embodies a disheartening lack of self-belief which cannot serve those aspiring for greatness in life.

It is disgraceful for any group to adopt this mindset; demonstrating how unfit its members are to carry the weight of historic burdens. No one should be proud to associate with such trepidation. Should a nation fall prey to this line of thought, it exposes itself to potential manipulation, surrendering the right of others to defend its territory and control its fate. In that case, the nation would resemble the worker yelling "Hey, Hey, we killed it! We killed it!" in response to their own powerlessness and subject to inevitable contempt and ridicule.

These lofty principles and ambitious endeavors are what a portion of this nation urges us to embrace. Examining this twisted mindset, it becomes evident that the melody they continuously sing to us is identical to what the Jewish prophets repeated incessantly during times of danger or crisis. Consider the prophecies of Amos, Jeremiah, Aaron, Elisha, Ezekiel, and others who would warn the adversaries of the Jews that armies from "the North" were en route to obliterate Tyre, Sidon, and Damascus. Amos, in particular, harbored immense animosity towards Damascus due to its invasion and conquest of Israel, reclaiming most non-Jewish territories that had been under Jewish control. In numerous dire situations, the Israelis threatened their foes with Jehovah's wrath, unleashing nations from either the north or south upon them. I do not desire such a spirit or blatant ineptitude for any of us.

We all possess property in one way or another. The majority of us own land or houses. Combined, these lands make up our private homeland that no one but ourselves may claim rights over. Moreover, we are now faced with a critical challenge to our character. We are rapidly approaching a moment where we must prove our ability to defend our homeland and maintain our rights within it. As a result, we need to confront a vital legal inquiry: "Is this homeland genuinely ours and do we possess solid and autonomous rights allowing us to utilize it for our collective advantage?" To affirm this claim, we must provide tangible evidence that our people hold the capability to govern the land without interference from external forces. To accomplish this feat, we must adhere to a fundamental social notion: the national principle. This concept mandates that the nation should have absolute and unimpeded control over its members and owned land within specific geographical boundaries. The notions of nationhood and national independence signify one thing: we must exercise authority over an area deemed a unified entity, with the freedom to determine its management and usage in alignment with our national unity. This national unity stems from the merging of a shared existence confined to a single geographical unit. That is the primary significance of a nation.

The essence of national unity, which strives to advance collective well-being and foster patriotism, stems from this concept. All other elements serve as supplementary tools for the nation to utilize in alignment with its interests and sovereignty.

 

Ladies and gentlemen,

We embody a true nation, and our homeland is unified. This heritage represents our sole hope in achieving freedom and lofty ideals. Consequently, we must collaborate to fortify our unity and preserve this legacy handed down by our forefathers, solely for us. Our inherent internal cohesion serves our best interests. It provides us national solidarity, ensures that we maintain control over our rights, and ignites a resurgence that allows us to appreciate the extraordinary splendor of this homeland and its resources.

Do not assume that conquest triumphs can rival the sanctity of national liberty in this bountiful homeland that holds the potential for paradise. The Battle of Thermopylae at the slender coastal passage exemplifies the ultimate self-sacrifice for hallowed national liberty. Conversely, Alexander the Great's conquests resulted in disastrous consequences impeding human civilization's progress. Regarding the Battle of Maysalun, it is considered the most illustrious and glorious conflict encountered by our nation in recent times, as it embodies a living nation's spirit and symbolizes the nation's noble ideals. This battle marked the first organized struggle in modern history carried out by a Syrian army under Syrian leadership for Syria's freedom and independence.

The Battle of Maysalun signifies a novel concept in Syria's rejuvenated life: the dynamic principle of earnest, sincere work, counterbalancing the tendency to evade responsibility while demanding a portion of struggle's rewards. The battle demonstrates that Syria has determinedly chosen to create its history with its bare hands and harvest its own yields while reaping its own sown seeds.

Nonetheless, some timorous individuals argue that Syria is too small to protect itself or defend its borders. Despite cowardice being undeserving of respect, let us offer a response to such baseless claims.

The Battle of Maysalun provides impeccable evidence that Syria can safeguard its existence and defend its territory. Maysalun overflowed with a miraculous power source, albeit constrained, possessing the potential to revolutionize a nation's life. This force is the incredible capacity of a living nation's will – a will that can accomplish feats cowards can only dream of achieving. Regardless, the Battle of Maysalun constitutes only a small fraction of Syria's potential collective accomplishments. The nation's full strength, sophistication, and techniques were not truly exemplified at Maysalun. Instead, the battle served as an essential trial to hone and refine the nation's operational strategies. Maysalun signifies the onset, rather than the conclusion, of Syria's contemporary history. Those unable to grasp this fundamental truth possess no understanding of nations' rise and fall or the lessons that history imparts.

Earlier, I stated that we embody a nation in every aspect of the term. For an unbiased perspective on this matter, consider the esteemed philosopher, Ernest Renan. He defines a nation as a collective of individuals who choose to reside together within a specific region. In essence, a nation emerges from the union of a group of people within a particular geographical area. Renan refers to "a group of people" to emphasize the human component, regardless of their ancestral roots. Had he intended to focus on ancestry, he would have used terms like "race" or "type" instead of "group." Thus, it is fundamental for a nation to possess a shared passion for communal living and territory, rather than belonging exclusively to one specific origin. This is exactly what we represent. Regrettably, however, we still place undue emphasis on beliefs in singular origins, as if we haven't gleaned any wisdom from the quote "A noble origin must be validated through accomplishment," or from the ancient proverb of the hero who enriched Arabic literature with horse riding and archery skills:

"My glory stems from my expertise and is not bound by connections or abundance."

Antar was born to an unmarried black woman, but that did not stop him from surpassing those esteemed for their lineage due to his exceptional qualities. The renowned English poet Alfred Tennyson once said: "For Saxon and Norman and Dane are we." By this statement, Tennyson meant that his nation comprises all three ancestries collectively rather than favoring one alone. In contrast, we persist in our disagreements and disputes, attempting to pinpoint one singular origin. Some want us to think that we are solely Phoenician. Others argue that we are purely Arab or entirely Aramaic. In reality, we represent an amalgamation of these ancestries and share common cultural ties with them all.

What harm is there if Arameans are among us? After all, they played a crucial role in administering the affairs of the Near East. They fought against the Jews and took stern measures against them, instilling feelings of deep resentment and vengeance within Jewish hearts. This fury was later expressed through Amos' curses of devastation upon Damascus, which was built by the Arameans as their capital. Additionally, the Arameans expanded their political reach to such an extent that Aramaic became the universal language for trade, culture, and governance throughout the entire Near East.

Moreover, what harm is there if Phoenicians are among us? Few groups have contributed more to the development of human civilization than the Phoenicians, particularly in regards to knowledge, writing, and innovation. Expert navigators of the sea, they safeguarded maritime routes and fostered some of history's most skillful sea warriors. They bequeathed us Hannibal – one of history's greatest military masterminds whose strategies continue to influence modern military planning. Historians state that Hannibal's tactics at Cannae – where Rome's mightiest army was defeated – served as inspiration for German military strategy during World War I. Hannibal’s name has come to symbolize bravery and heroic stature while simultaneously evoking fear in even Rome at its zenith. The phrase “Hannibal is at our gates” epitomizes any looming threat. Mussolini highlighted this sentiment a few years ago when addressing the Italian parliament in response to French and Yugoslavian machinations: “Nothing can frighten Italy; for Hannibal does not stand at Rome’s doorstep.”

Ultimately, does it really matter if some of us are Arabs? Through their accomplishments and contributions to civilization, the Arabs have showcased the unique qualities and capabilities possessed by their people when in the right environment. Take Andalusia as an example, where the Arabs, with Syrians making up a large portion, were key players in advancing human progress in the realm of science and fostering free thought. As a result, Arabic became the language of science across both the East and West. We could discuss more about the Arabs, but you all are familiar with their history.

 

My fellow citizens,

We embody a blend of all these ancestries, not merely descendants of one. Honestly, must we heed all opposing opinions in every mutual endeavor that state, “We are Arabs, we are Phoenicians, we are Aramaic”? Isn't being honorable Syrians united against evil and working towards true goodness sufficient? Undoubtedly, we can overcome these separating aspects and take inspiration from Tennyson who described his nation as: “We represent a remarkable mixture of these noble components. It is this unique fusion that defines who we are.”

I wish to convey a statement made by Sheik Abdul Hameed Salam, the Fatwa Under-secretary, during an event at the Brotherhood Association at the American University. I may not remember his exact words, but he expressed something along the lines of, “The instant humanity masters the skill of brotherhood towards one another would be when truth can function without religion.” My addition to this would be: “A nation that builds its rebirth on genuine national unity, derived from actively participating in a shared life and homeland, is a nation that doesn't require typical illusions because it has established itself upon a foundation of realized identity that needs nothing more.” Illusions eventually fade away, leaving only truth behind.

We are a nation not due to a single common origin but because we partake in a shared life within a shared land. This shared existence compels us to unite as fellow citizens in a unique national community for the sake of our honor, rights, interests, and homeland. One of our most defining traits is our homeland. A Syrian can only feel at home in Syria, surrounded by the magnificent beauty of Lebanon, the stunning valleys and plateaus of Palestine, and the lush valleys, rivers, and forests of Sham [Syrian Republic] and Iraq. A Syrian cannot feel at home in Egypt or in the desert. Ladies and gentlemen, you must not place faith in polite political rhetoric that cannot alter reality. Nor should you trust those with hidden political agendas who advise you to exchange national sovereignty for the establishment of a strong state controlled by non-Syrians with policies devised beyond Syrian scrutiny. Nationalism should supersede politics. A state only holds value when it serves to actualize the nation's true and complete sovereignty. It is paramount that Syrians strive to create their own state for the purpose of protecting and preserving their homeland and realizing their loftiest aspirations through this homeland.

Nearly a century ago, a Croatian journalist wrote in his local newspaper: "A people without nationality is like a body without bones." This implies that a group of people who do not form a nation and lack a national identity are weak and vulnerable, easily swayed and manipulated. Such a group cannot take its rightful place among other nations and is constantly at the mercy of dominant forces. Louis Gaj's portrayal of people without inherent national identity reflects what many Syrians hope to avoid - a paralyzed, boneless body controlled by external influences rather than guided by their own collective will. They wish for compliance, not power. However, they fail to recognize that this desire labels them as unambitious and lacking in ideals.

Many strive to ensure that the renaissance expands beyond Syria to include all Arab nations. Rest assured, their eagerness is no less than yours or mine. However, an all-encompassing Arab revival cannot be achieved by dismantling the individual nationalisms of each Arab country; rather, it requires them to rise and tend to their own development. Cooperation would occur within a mutually agreed framework allowing each nation to maintain its unique identity and values. So let us firmly hold onto our Syrian national identity and contribute to our nation's rebirth. Let us unite around a shared action plan. As a humble individual, I believe we can halt the Zionist movement in five years and safeguard our borders against encroachment within a decade. To accomplish this, we must follow the exemplary actions of the second worker in the snake story – diligently performing our duties without fuss or fanfare while relying on our own strength and courage.

In closing, I'd like to revisit an insight from an earlier address: It has been said that "the worth of actions is sometimes judged by the intentions behind them." Personally, I believe that "the actions we achieve determine the value of our intentions."


[1] A lecture delivered at the inauguration of the Palestinian Club in Beirut in 1933.


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